.
Roughly half of world comprises four by 1 billion: girls, young women. mothers, grandmoms- HYPOTHESIS 2020s economistamerica.com needs now to celebrate freedom of young metoo lives matter. Try to stay out of the way of Men's supreme triad Donald , Vladamir, Yong. Maths at Codesmeta.com.Dad, The Economist's Norman Macrae would have been 100 in 2023 (see below Glasgow celebration MES). Da'ds first trip to USA: 1951 year secondemnt by The Economist. He met Von Neumann: they agreed greatest sccopp journalists would ever mediate - what GOOD will peoples do with 100 times more tech every decade : 1930s to 2020s. GOD measnt a lot to both men- Von Neumann had less than 6 years left to deliver good tech legacy from the Goats of maths (including Einstein, Turing); these immigramnts had aminly been forced to work on the bad of nucleasr weapons; my dad had spent his last dayas as a teen in bomber command naviagting airplanes our of Burma; as well as survival his good fortune mapsd of the old woirld's tri-contiment in his head; notably the indo pacific whose coastline three quarters of humans depended on for world trade but which particularly britain had enginee4rd to enrich the west and trap asians in poverty- still with 100 times more good tech to go round - could everyone win-win; for example webbing life critical knowhow locally multiplies value in use unlike consuming up things. HOW DID DAD FOLLOW UP Neuman's Gift. He chered on twin AI Labs facing pacific out of stanford (eg see 10th birthday celebration of place branded silicon valley) and facing atlantic out of MIT. His bio of V neuman has been published in American and japanese. He wrote over 2000 anonymous leaders for The Economist and aged 39 was permitted one signed survey a year. You can see ost of tehse at tecahforsdgs.com- what did he write about? In the 1960s countries whose peoples had worried him most -starting with the Jpanese he had bomber consider Jpana 1962 (Russia 1963, latin Am 1964 , Algeria & S SAfrica; he concluded 1960s interviwing how dismally different Nixon's economit admin had been from jfk - the least national leader to celebartae with youyth 100 times more (moon race, mapping worldwide interdependence).Ironically Neumann's computational gift was sperading a macroeconomic numbers man whose systems compounded opposite of sustainability. Rather than argue with american academai- dad rebranded his purpose as future historian and entrepreneurial revolutionary. Still the main question search through 70s and up to 83 wgat good 100 times more. Then to offere a diferent end game to orewell's big brother we co-austhored from 18=984 2025 reports- -webs we expected to be designed from 1990; opportumities and threats of milennials first quarter centiry - the first sustainability generation or the first extintion generation. Join in the final tipping points now- support UN2.0 ,educatirs on web3 and metaverse, indsutrial revolution 4, society 5.0 depending which culture you come from and whether you traingularise valuation of 8 billion beings by corpoiarte ESG , civil society emwpoermemnt or what gov2.0 does gov

Sunday, December 2, 2018

whilst taking place in buenos aires  dec 2018 -  what worldwide sustainability issues argentina seized or missed at a time when trade wars seem to be designed to destroy youth and women's hope that we are truly living in the era of sustainability goals

there's a feeling that the donald lives on a different planet than mother earth however if he unites the koreas he will at least have achieved one leap for peace that no 21st c us president has got close to- frankly unless usa addresses its false media problems which have been rife in mass as well as digital forms the chances of any us leader restoring us goodwill around the world in time for sustainability's lead deadlines look dismally small - where does this leave the whole of latin america-?


#BR0 why leaders plan for china gdp double usa by 2030 whatever trump does
@BR6 #TheEconomist do americans want to save humans from extinction?
#BR10 latin america
#BR9 africa calling
news blockchain & edu belt road
Friday, November 30, 2018
 
A Onetime White House and Wall Street Darling, Argentina Feels Jilted by Bolsonaro Buzz


On the night of the Brazilian election, Argentine President Mauricio Macri sent well wishes to the president-elect. “Congratulations to Jair Bolsonaro for your win in Brazil!” he tweeted. “I hope we will work together soon for the relationship between our countries and the wellbeing of Argentines and Brazilians.” Later, Mr. Macri called his future counterpart and invited him to visit Argentina.

Despite that outreach, Mr. Bolsonaro broke with tradition and decided that his first foreign visit as president-elect would be to Chile, not Argentina. “Chile is the great Latin American model,” he explained. “It has a good education system, it develops technologies and it trades with the whole world.” Brazil’s future finance minister, Paulo Guedes, was even more blunt. “Argentina is not a priority,” he said.

Though Mr. Guedes later apologized, his insult heighted the sense of unease in Buenos Aires over the implications of Mr. Bolsonaro’s unexpected political rise.

Even before the Brazilian election, Argentina had faced an uncertain political and economic future heading into next year’s election. It is suffering its worst recession since 2001, and Mr. Macri’s decision to solicit International Monetary Fund assistance undermined his strategy to balance the budget gradually and at minimal political and social cost. Low growth, high inflation and spending cuts have cut into the president’s popularity and robbed him of his political capital. Though lawmakers recently approved his proposed budget for 2019, Mr. Macri’s legislative agenda has otherwise ground to a halt, including labor reform.

Now, enthusiasm for Mr. Bolsonaro’s promised reforms is making Argentine authorities even more anxious. The South American neighbors like to portray themselves as partners, they are also rivals, and not only on the soccer field. The two giants compete for geopolitical influence, export markets and foreign investment. For these reasons, some in Argentina feel pressured by Mr. Bolsonaro’s commitment to deepen the reforms of Brazil’s outgoing Temer administration.

Mr. Bolsonaro, a hard-right nationalist, has drawn scorn from international human rights organizations for his troubling comments about minority groups, and his nostalgia for Brazil’s dictatorship. But he has earned cautious optimism from investors; his October election led to a rally for the Brazilian currency and stock market. One reason for this enthusiasm is Mr. Guedes, the University of Chicago-trained economist who will serve as a Domingo Cavallo-style super minister, and who has been an outspoken proponent of deficit reductionpension reform; and opening Brazil’s notoriously closed economy. Mr. Bolsonaro also plans to name apro-privatization economist to run Brazil’s state-owned oil company, Petrobras, and to demote Brazil’s once powerful labor ministry to a secretariat, likely under Mr. Guedes’s supervision. Investors hope the reforms, including tax cuts, will strengthen Brazil’s fragile recovery from its deep recession in 2014.

There are doubts about how much Mr. Bolsonaro can accomplish without a congressional majority. Moreover, if Mr. Bolsonaro manages to eliminate Brazil’s deficit in two years, Brazil likely will experience another recession, which could sap support for his administration. Still, for Argentina, the prospect of substantial economic reforms in Brazil, a far larger market, is nerve-racking. Should Brazil falter, it would reduce demand for Argentine goods in Argentina’s largest export market. Should Brazil succeed, it could divert foreign investment, and highlight Mr. Macri’s failure to reform Argentina’s protectionist and anti-competitive labor and industrial policies.

On trade, Mr. Bolsonaro’s skepticism about Mercosur – his team hascriticized the bloc as a “hindrance to free trade” – could bolster Mr. Macri’s efforts to promote free trade agreements between Mercosur and its partners, such as the European Union. But it could also lead Mr. Bolsonaro to abandon the bloc and implement unilateral reductions in tariffs that would deeply harm Argentine competitiveness in the Brazilian market. Argentina could stand to lose even more if Brazil revisits the Argentine-Brazilian auto pact, which was recently renegotiatedThe economic relationship between Argentina and Brazil depends a great deal upon goodwill between the two countries’ presidents.

The new Brazilian government also threatens to diminish Argentina’s geopolitical clout. Mr.  Bolsonaro’s admiration for Mr. Trump has clearly won over the National Security Council. John Bolton, Mr. Trump’s national security adviser, dedicated much of his November 2 Latin America speech to attacking the governments in Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. But he paused to celebrate the election of Mr. Bolsonaro, whom he called a “likeminded” leader. Mr. Bolton also mentioned the U.S. partnership with Argentina, but his embrace of Brazil led one Argentine analyst, Francisco de Santibañes, from the Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales (CARI), to lament that, “Buenos Aires will not be able to receive the same kind of privileged treatment it has received so far.”

Mr. Bolsonaro’s election was hardly the first external development to threaten Mr. Macri’s reform agenda.

When Mr. Macri was elected in 2015, the liberal international order seemed secure, cradled by internationalists such as Barack Obama, Angela Merkel and Justin Trudeau. As Mr. Macri sought to reintegrate Argentina into the international community, both politically and economically, the world seemed to be moving in the same direction. For a time, the outside world rewarded Mr. Macri. Mr. Obama visited Buenos Aires in 2016, and investors followed closely behind, lending the billions of dollars necessary to permit a gradual reduction in public spending. (In all, Argentina’s government borrowed $161 billion in its first two years in office, including through a 100-year bond issued last year.)

But in time, the global environment turned hostile. Hillary Clinton lost the 2016 U.S. election to a trade skeptic, whose protectionist policies shut out Argentine biodiesel – its top export to the United States – from the U.S. market. Meanwhile, rising interest rates increased concerns about Argentina’s budget deficit and its pile of dollar-denominated debt, leading to capital flight earlier this year and a rapid peso devaluation.

So far, Mr. Macri’s government has survived this tumult, though not without a few bruises.

Significantly, he has preserved the close relationship with the United States that he established under Mr. Obama. That was not as simple as it seems. Beyond the policy disagreements with the Trump administration – ranging from commerce to climate – there was also bad blood. Most analysts assumed Mr. Macri and Mr. Trump, as businessmen turned politicians, would be simpatico. But in fact, the Macri and Trump families had once competed bitterly over a New York City real estate deal in the 1980s. Nevertheless. Mr. Macri and Mr. Trump appear to get along personally. Mr. Trump, for example, has been a vocal supporter of Argentina, backing the IMF bailout and Argentina’s membership in the OECD.

Now, as Argentina awaits the January 1 inauguration of another populist outsider, this time in Brazil, it remains to be seen how the Argentine government will manage its latest international surprise.

For more analysis on the potential impacts of Jair Bolsonaro’s election for Latin America, read our piece in World Politics Review, “If Brazil Elects Bolsonaro, Venezuela’s Migration Crisis Will Get Even Worse.”


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