.Brian Beedham, foreign editor of The Economist for a quarter of a century, died this week, aged 87 F or nearly all the 25 years leading up to the collapse of communism in 1989, two intellects dominated the pages of The Econ- omist. They were Norman Macrae, as dep- uty editor, and Brian Beedham, as foreign editor. Their marks were influential, endur- ing-and quite different. Norman, who died in 2010, relished iconoclasm, and orig- inal ideas sprang like a fountain from his ef- fervescent mind. Brian, bearded, tweed- jacketed and pipe-smoking (or pipe-pok- ing), held ideas that were more considered. It was he who provided the paper’s atti- tude to the post-war world. In that world, nothing was as important as seeing off communism, which in turn could be achieved only by the unyielding exercise of American strength. This view was not in itself unusual. What made it re- markable, and formidable, were the clarity, elegance and intellectual power with which it was propounded. No issue demanded the exercise of these qualities more than the Vietnam war, and probably none caused Brian more an- guish. A man of great kindness, and with- out a hint of vanity or pretension, he was far from being either a heartless ideologue or a primitive anti-communist (though he never visited either Russia or Vietnam to put his opinions to the test). But his unwa- vering defence of American policy drew criticism from both colleagues and readers. Why did he persist in pounding such a lonely trail, even after it had become clear that the American venture in South-East Asia was doomed? The short answer was conviction. His anti-communism was born of a love affair with America. As a young man, at Leeds Grammar School and Oxford, his politics had been leftish. They might have stayed that way. But in 1955 ambition bore him from the Yorkshire Post to The Economist where, after a few months, he won a Commonwealth Fund fellowship and with it a year study- ing local politics in the South and the West of the United States. In America Brian dis- covered a national ideology based on indi- vidualism, bottom-up democracy and an active belief in liberty that meant pro- blems could be solved at home and na- tions could be freed abroad. This was ex- actly in tune with his own emerging ideas. The dispassionate romantic Coming from drab, class-ridden, 1950s Brit- ain, Brian might have stayed. But he felt in- dubitably British. The Suez crisis was be- ginning just as he left for America in August 1956; he so strongly backed the in- vasion of Egypt that he volunteered his ser- vice to the British military attache in Wash- ington, ready even to give up his new American adventure to fight for this hopeless cause. And though he later became enthusiastic about direct democracy (an en- thusiasm, like that for homeopathic pills, which was fostered by his links with Swit- zerland through Barbara, his wife), he was a monarchist to the end. Suspicious of intellectuals, Brian rel- ished exposing the soft, less-than-rigorous- ly-thought-out (he was fond of hyphens) orthodoxies of the liberal left. As foreign editor, he liked to draw unsparing compar- isons between the Soviet Union and the Nationalist regime in South Africa: to deny freedom on the basis of ideological convic- tions, he argued, was no less objectionable than denying it on the basis of colour. It was no doubt Brian’s command of words that helped to make him our Washington correspondent in 1958 and then, in 1963, foreign editor. In this role he wrote leaders on all manner of topics, often argu- ing a difficult case: for nuclear weapons, say; for supporting Israel (another of his unshakable causes) when sentiment was running otherwise; or indeed for the do- mino theory itself, which was never so ringingly defended. Brian was equally skilled as a sub-edi- tor. Articles that arrived on his desk with no clear beginning, end or theme were turned, apparently effortlessly, into some- thing perfectly sharp and coherent. More annoyingly for authors, articles that were perfectly coherent were sometimes turned with a few tweaks, deft as a paw-dab from one of his beloved cats, into pieces that said something quite different from what had been intended. A statement of fact might be qualified by “it is said” or the American invasion of Cambodia would become a “counter-attack”. These intrusions could be difficult to square with The Economist's tradition of open-mindedness; especially as Brian’s own mind was more contradictory than it seemed. His favourite conversation-part- ners were men like Henry “Scoop” Jackson and Richard Perle, hawkish intervention- ists; but he also had an acquaintance, al- most friendship, with at least one kgb man at the Soviet embassy in the 1980s. Away from work, the world he was analysing weekly was kept at bay. He did not own a television set, and found the best use of computers was to listen to American civil-war songs. Some of his pieces were pounded out on an ancient Ol- ivetti in a turret of Barbara’s family castle in the Alps, surrounded by peaks and clouds. Deep down he was a romantic, capable of great human feeling, whose head con- stantly seemed to remind him to keep a rein on his heart. He wrote sympathetical- ly and perceptively about Islam, and mov- ingly about refugees-especially boat peo- ple, and especially if they were Vietnam- ese. They were making his point for him....The Economist May l6th 2015

.................................................................................................................................................................america's media crisis started with its biggest brands...Help teachers and children generatethe most exciting jobs creation game? A 21st C mashup of a board game like monopoly, a quiz like trivial pursuits, and both a mass media and an app such as jobs creation sharkette tank?. more : why not blog your peoples search for world record jobs creators ..last 7 years of generation of changing education
1 the board - maps of large continents and small islands, of super cities and rural villages, transportation routes for exchanging what people make connected to webs like Jack Ma's gateways where 3000 people co-create live for a day before linking in their networks (Notes on valuing freedom and happiness) join 25th year of debating whether we the parnets and youth can change education in tine to be sustainable
2 rules of jobs-rich trading games - lifelong grade 1 to 69, beginners to experienced connecting many previous games - eg game 1 if your region has no access to a seaport, how are trading dryports developed
3 backup every trial game ever played including successes & failures, searchable by valuable collaboration factors; geographically neighbouring, match particular skill (eg electrical engineerings) around the world
3.1 cases and the cultural lessons from future history that worldwide youth will need to translate if they are to be the sustainability generation
3.2 unexpected joys; eg often the most exciting innovations for linking the sustainability generation come from communities that had the least connections - eg some of the games best players are the women and girls who developed bangladesh as 8th most populous nation starting with next to nothing at independence in 1971; case sino-english translation of world record book of jobs creators- can you help us translate this into other mother tongues - isabella@unacknowledgedgiant.com us we chat line 240 316 8157 - click to diary of good news youth journalism trips 8 to china, 1 korea, 3 arab emirates, 13 bangladesh 1 to japan

Tuesday, January 2, 2018

america's teachers and students could increase cultural understanding of the world by mapping belt roads

golden oldie - 12.5 months age kissinger traveled from beijing to usa to emplore trump and jinping to help sustainability generation develop win-win trades around the world


consider 2 parts to be;lt road mapping- those impoving china's neigbors in win-wins

those anywhere in the world where china's neughbor maps can be benchmarked for:
infrastructure improvements
technology win-wins
culture and educational exchanges wherever bodres are newly bridged

EVENT: Henry A. Kissinger Keynotes Committee of 100 Event “U.S.-China Relations in the Trump-Xi Era” in New York | December 14, 2016

On December 14, 2016, the Committee of 100 (C100) and the Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business (CKGSB) co-hosted a series of important conversations in New York to discuss “U.S.-China Relations in the Trump-Xi Era”. The sold-out event featured an impressive line-up of speakers, including former U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, C100 member and Director of the Brookings Institute John L. Thornton China Center Dr. Cheng Li; former U.S. Trade Representative and Chairman and CEO, Hills & Company Ambassador Carla A. Hills; Founding Dean, CKGSB Dr. Bing Xiang; and C100 Chairman Frank H. Wu. Occurring at a time of uncertainty in the U.S.-China relationship, this timely event drew on the speakers’ unique and expert views, with Dr. Kissinger lending invaluable insight as the only person since the 2016 U.S. elections to have met with both Chinese President Xi Jinping and President-Elect Donald Trump.  
0p5a4698-copy
The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger, 56th U.S. Secretary of State (photo credit: CKGSB)
C100 Chairman Frank H. Wu delivered opening remarks, underscoring the importance of bridge-building to deepen mutual understanding between the U.S. and China in light of recent events. Wu moderated the first panel on China’s economic development with CKGSB Dean Bing Xiang, who discussed the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for China and the U.S. in an age of post-neoliberalism.
img_1249-copy
Distinguished panelists Dr. Henry Kissinger, C100 member Dr. Cheng Li of Brookings Institute, Ambassador Carla A. Hills
In the second panel, the Honorable Henry A. Kissinger and C100 member Dr. Cheng Li later held a dynamic discussion on “The Role and Impact of Leadership in U.S.-China Relations”. Their conversation was moderated by Ambassador Carla A. Hills, former U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development and current Chair of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations. 
When asked to comment on Trump’s recent “One China” remarks, Kissinger said, “I was a participant in the establishment of that policy and I have supported it in 8 administrations, Democratic and Republican, and it was not a disputed policy at that time….Every President of the U.S. since 1971, of both parties, has accepted this framework and once that framework is studied, I do not expect it to be overturned.” Reflecting on Trump’s call to Taiwan, Kissinger said, “to make Taiwan the key issue at the beginning of this dialogue, is in my view not the most efficient way of proceeding.”
Ambassador Hills asked Dr. Kissinger his thoughts on Trump’s proposed Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, and how the latter has been criticized for his prior relationships with Russia. Kissinger said, “I pay no attention to this argument that he’s too friendly to Russia. As head of Exxon, it’s his job to get along with Russia. He would be useless as head of Exxon if he did not have a working relationship with Russia.” Kissinger praised Trump’s selection for Secretary of State and added that “we should not think about these relationships as the personal relationship of individuals.”
On China, Kissinger declared, “[We have to decide] whether to attempt to deal cooperatively or confrontationally…. I hope and I am optimistic that the cooperative way will prevail…. Keep in mind that if China and America are in conflict, then the whole world will be divided.”
C100 Member Dr. Cheng Li added, “If the Trump administration, in the first year or so, can really engage with China in a respectful way to deal with China’s issues, it can really be a great opportunity for Trump to change the public perception both at home and abroad.”
Dr. Kissinger also praised the new book by C100 member Cheng Li, Director of Brookings Institute John L. Thornton China Center, Chinese Politics in the Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership, mentioning that he initially agreed to speak at this event to support Cheng Li‘s fine publication.
Dr. Kissinger is a long-time friend of the Committee of 100, having helped conceive the idea of and encouraged co-founders I.M. Pei and Henry Tang to establish the organization in 1988.

1988-pei-kissinger-tang-historic-photo
1988, Inception of the Committee of 100 I.M. Pei, Henry Tang, and Dr. Henry Kissinger attend black-tie event; Kissinger conceives notion of organizing an influential group of Chinese Americans to address issues of international concern between the U.S. & China.




Highlighted Press:

No comments:

Post a Comment